Kottish:ši-nčēt, pl. -čētaŋ "salt"; Ass. či-nǯet (М., Кл.), tinǯet (Сл., Срсл.), šinčet (Кл.) "salt"
Comments:ССЕ 216. The morphological structure of the Kott. form is unclear (a compound with some obscure second component). Pump. če (Срсл., Кл.) is most likely a Yug form. Werner 2, 301 *t'ǝʔ < < *t'ǝgǝ>.
Comments:ССЕ 216-217. Ket and Yug reflect a compound with *tiχ "snow" (q.v.); Yug has a assimilation tъ-tik < *čǝ:-tik (old initial affricate is indicated by the Kottish form). In Kottish cf. also u-šōx, u-šou 'ice' - possibly *ul-šōx lit. 'water-crust'. Werner (2, 305, 436) apparently does not accept the assimilatory explanation for Yug t- and consequently has to separate the Kott. form (accepting for it the reconstruction *čǝG-) from the Ket and Yug one. For the latter he gives a protoform <*thǝ / *thǝ̀gǝ́> and unites it with tʌ- in *tǝʔlap 'bread crust' q.v. - which I think is hardly justified, see under *tǝʔlap. One should also mention that Kott. ušōx 'ice' is utterly strangely etymologized (Werner 2, 376) as ūša 'far' + *ku / xu 'ice'; and finally that Werner lists (without etymology, see 1, 166) Yug čɔ́χɔr 'Rauhreif' - which must be a compound *čǝG-qo-xur, with *čǝG-qo- being an exact match for Kott. šāk, and proving that Yug t- in tъtik is aq result of assimilation.
Proto-Yenisseian:*či
Meaning:to pluck, tear out
Ket:d-asŋ-a-ti "I pluck berries" (Werner 2, 261 -tij)
Yug:-čej (Werner 2, 261)
Kottish:d́-ō-ši-aŋ "I tear (out)"
Comments:ССЕ 217. Г. Старостин 1995, 170; Werner 2, 261 *t'ej / *t'ij. Note that -š- in Kott. is irregular: the Kott. root may in fact (as suggested in Werner 1, 71-72) be rather compared with Ket -as- in d-asŋ-a-ti (Werner 1, 71 aś-tij), Yug ásɨŋ-čej. This would result in a reconstruction of an additional synonymous root *ʔas-.
Proto-Yenisseian:*čič-
Meaning:wagtail
Yug:čičik5,6, pl. -an5
Kottish:čičipa, pl. čičipan; čičaba (Лоск.) "titmouse"
Comments:ССЕ 217. Cf. also Ket tъ̄qt (Kur. tъ̄qtǝ1), pl. tʌqteŋ5 'wagtail' (from an expressive variant *čǝ̄qčV?). Werner 1, 165. The root is onomatopoeic and possibly borrowed in Yug from Samoyed: cf. Selk. čičik 'little bird' (although an opposite direction of borrowing is also possible). Similar roots are present in many languages: cf/ PU *čičä ~ *činčä 'little bird' (a putative origin of the mentioned Selkup word), PNC *šVnšV / *čVnčV 'a k. of bird' (NCED 987).
Ket:ti:ŕi4 (Kur.), pl. tīŕeŋ1; Bak., Sur. ti:dǝ4 / tidǝ4, pl. tīdǝŋ1 / tīdeŋ1; South. tiŕ4, pl. tīŕeŋ1
Yug:ti:ht́, pl. tid́iŋ1
Kottish:ičičan (Бол.) "root"
Pumpokol:kédiŋ (Сл., Срсл., Кл.)
Comments:ССЕ 217. The Pump. form tɨči (Срсл.), tɨčɨ (Кл.) is in reality Yug. Yug has a regular dissimilation ti:ht́ < *t́i:hd́-); Assan has i-čičan instead of *i-čijan (devoicing *čīǯ- > *čīč-); see КС 158. The Assan and Pumpokol form (with a completely regular k-: cf. kit 'stone' < *čɨʔs etc.; Werner's question mark is therefore excessive) point unanimously to *č-, so Werner's (2, 265) reconstruction <*thiʔǝd'ǝ> is incorrect; needless to say, Kott thempul, Arin t́ēmbirgaŋ 'root' (see *t[e]mbVĺ-), despite Werner, have nothing to do with the present root.
Comments:ССЕ 217-218. Proto-Yenisseian is the plural form with Ablaut *čǝʔ-ŋ, which may indicate a suffixed nature of *-s in singular. Werner 2, 312 *t'ɨʔs; we should note that Werner separates the Arin and Pumpokol reflexes (kes and kit respectively) - in spite of their complete regularity, see КС 156; see discussion under *qeʔs.
Ket:tōk, pl. tɔ:ɣǝ4 (South. tɔɣ4) 'axe'; tɔgul6, pl. tɔɣuĺǝŋ5 'axe-handle'
Yug:čok, pl. čɔ:hk 'axe'; čɔguĺ5, pl. čɔguĺǝŋ5 'axe-handle'
Comments:ССЕ 218. For the second part of the Ket and Yug compound see *ʔuĺ- 'handle'. Cf. also Ket tɔɣa5 tīś / tъuk-tiś1 / tъ̄k-tiś1, Yug čɔga5 čis 'whetstone' (lit. "axe-stone"). Werner 2, 283 <*t'okǝ > *t'ogǝ>.
Proto-Yenisseian:*čoK-
Meaning:to kiss
Yug:čɔkkej5
Comments:Cf. Selk. č́uqqaltɨ- 'kiss' (see Helimski КС 247); the direction of borrowing is unclear. Werner 1, 166.
Comments:ССЕ 218. Werner 2, 275 notices correctly that Ket. tɔŋ-tet6 'catch' should be separated from the above forms - being directly derived from PY *t-ɔp- q.v. sub *ʔɔp-.
Comments:ССЕ 218. The comparison is possible if we suppose assimilation in Yug (čat-tat < *čaq-tat), and a secondary initial č- in Kottish (as in čagal 'sleep' together with ha-čāgal 'spend a night', šagal 'night camp', see КС 154). Werner 2, 276 *t'oqtǝt.
Proto-Yenisseian:*čukola
Meaning:a k. of bird (кедровка, Zedernnußhäher)
Ket:túkɔĺa, MKet. tu:ĺ3, tuʔuĺ
Yug:čóguĺa
Comments:Werner 2, 285 (w.r.). Rather strange is the preservation of -k- in Ket.
Comments:ССЕ 218-219. This Ket-Kott. parallel seems completely regular, but is not mentioned in Werner 2, 286 (where for tul'a only a reference to a very dubious Shor-Ket comparison from Чиспяков 1976 is given). Kott. šur 'ore' is mentioned in a strange context: it is compared with Arin (Лоск.) teminkur 'ore' (Werner 2, 258), but no reconstruction is given, and a remark is added: "vgl. kot. (H) šur ds., obwohl es die Grundbedeutung 'Blut' gibt". Kott. šur 'blood' is quite a different word (see *sur), while teminkur is a transparent compound with Turkic temir 'iron' as the first component. Actually, Arin -kur could in fact be a development of *čur (with the same development as in *čɨʔs > kes 'stone'), but this etymology can hardly be considered definitive as yet.
